Now that Toronto is getting serious about actually implementing its cycling strategy, it is a good time, as Now writer Paul Terfenko suggests to begin implementing separated bike. While those painted lines in existing lanes are quite handy, they are constantly being invaded by trucks, parked cars, and most annoyingly cop cars stopping for coffee. Moreover, they do little to make me feel safer...
NOW Magazine // News // Amicable separation
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vendredi 29 mai 2009
mardi 26 mai 2009
Revisiting Victory Homes
The suburban project took on anew form and historical significance following WWII. The influx of workers, veterans and farmers immediately following the war exacerbated the wartime housing shortage. The housing shortage during and after WWII led to the first direct federal involvement in house-building. A number of institutions are created to house returning veterans who demanded housing. In 1941, Wartime Housing Limited (WHL) and Wartime Housing Corporation (WHC) were created under auspices of the War Measures Act. The 1942 Veterans’ Land Act, designed to enable agricultural settlement for returning veterans, became more popular as a way of acquiring suburban homes.
The wartime housing constructed by were of a simple minimalist design. These modest one and a half story bungalows with pitched roofs with steeply pitched roofs, though also included advanced technology and kitchens, bath etc. These first rented at very modest prices can still be seen in many cities, such as the Ottawa's postwar suburb of Clarington..
In 1944, the Advisory Committee on Reconstruction (Curtis Committee) called for government to be involved in the housing for low-income families. However, fairly strong hostility to public housing from local governments and provincial governments prevented the more ambitious proposals for non-market housing. Moreover, rival bureaucracies such as the National Housing Administration (NHA) were suspicious that the WHL would overstep its mandate and compete with it and private industry. They were equally fearful that the units would reduce property values and become slums if not torn down after the war. (Wade, 1994: 125)
As a result of cabinet level and bureaucratic resistance to non-profit housing, market-oriented approaches to housing needs would soon became the norm (Bacher, 1993). Housing policy would come to favour home ownership by every family. For example, CMHC officials devoted much of their time to promote the house-building industry. Efforts include ensuring access to mortgage capitals, low interest rates, and increasing the allowed term of mortgages form 15-20-25-35-and until recently up to 40 percent.
During this period, Canadians were transformed from a nation of tenants to a nation of homeowners. From 1951-1961 home ownership from 30 to 54% in metropolitan census areas. While the postwar suburbs were constructed at great speed, they were deliberately planned to maximize consumption of mass produced goods and minimize the responsibility of developers to create public space and public services.
vendredi 15 mai 2009
Ottawa’s Urban Growth Machine
In 1961, just around the time Jane Jacobs was writing her influential book on the death and life of the great American city, Yale Professor Robert Dahl was writing a book on urban governance. Who Governs? Democracy and Power in an American City. A case study of political power and representation in New Haven, Connecticut, Dahl book looked systematically at political power, economic influence to evaluate who governs the city of New Haven, and how urban governance can be understood.
The simple question of who governs remains pertinent today as we evaluate the tools and policies of urban planning. How for example are land use decisions made? How does the process of comprehensive planning integrate different goals and motivations? How are stakeholders given a stake in decision-making? What are the limits to this decision-making process?
The Urban Growth Machine (UGM) thesis, which developed from these early interventions, maintains that coalitions of land-based elites drive urban politics to expand the local economy and the accumulation of wealth. According to this analysis the rentier-class ensures support for the project of continued growth by creating community solidarity on the collective benefit of growth and expansion. Land-based interest and the day-to-day actions of urban elites figures prominently in UGM provides an agency-centered understanding of the power relations and resources underpinning the formation and development of urban places and systems.
Recent debates over the expansion of Ottawa’s urban boundary is symptomatic of the formation of coalitions around urban growth. As the City of Ottawa renews and updates its official plan, local developers and lawyers are lobbying to have the boundary expanded so that their lands can be developed for residential use. In their lobbying efforts they have attempted to include in their analysis the cost of housing, arguing that is the urban boundary is not expanded, then home ownership would become unaffordable to many residents. Of course, as the UGM thesis suggests, this is all about creating coalitions, but the real goal of the development industry is to ensure adequate lands for continued greenfield development.
Why is this so important? Planning decisions around sewage, roads, transit, parks, creation of commercial districts, former industrial spaces can dramatically increase the value of land. Most of the profit for land developers is captured in the rezoning, subdividing and servicing of raw land. The extension of water and sewer into smaller lots multiplies the value of the original parcel. Almost all of the developers profit comes in the planning phase and municipal politicians create wealth through land use planning, servicing and subdivision: either on green field sites, or by rezoning current sites to allow for higher building height or density. In fact, profits earned in the planning approval processes are much higher than in the actual construction of homes and high-rise units
However local community and environmental groups have argued that such an approach will only perpetuate unsound planning decisions of the past and continue to worsen the problems of sprawl, pollution, and traffic. Not only have they promoted a more dense and environmentally sound (day we say “smart”) planning approach, but, Ecology Ottawa, a local group battling sprawl and promoting sustainability, has demonstrated to what extent the UGM is at play by highlighting the relationship between developers and zoning decisions. In discussing a revealing report looking at the contributions of developers to local councilors, Ecology Ottawa spokesperson argues the following:
“It seems large developers and their interests are being put first—ahead of the broader public interest—in key decisions about how our city will grow. What is most revealing about this report, however, is how widespread the acceptance of political contributions from these influential vested interests is.”
All of this debate shows how the UGR theory, as an agency centered theory, takes into the struggles over local hegemony and counter-coalitions organized around environmental and redistributive concerns. At times, these interests will contend and sometimes over-power the urban growth machine. In short, UGR explains a politics of locality based the rearrangement of local interests into coalitions where various interests compete and co-operate depending on the development and economic initiative.
The simple question of who governs remains pertinent today as we evaluate the tools and policies of urban planning. How for example are land use decisions made? How does the process of comprehensive planning integrate different goals and motivations? How are stakeholders given a stake in decision-making? What are the limits to this decision-making process?
The Urban Growth Machine (UGM) thesis, which developed from these early interventions, maintains that coalitions of land-based elites drive urban politics to expand the local economy and the accumulation of wealth. According to this analysis the rentier-class ensures support for the project of continued growth by creating community solidarity on the collective benefit of growth and expansion. Land-based interest and the day-to-day actions of urban elites figures prominently in UGM provides an agency-centered understanding of the power relations and resources underpinning the formation and development of urban places and systems.
Recent debates over the expansion of Ottawa’s urban boundary is symptomatic of the formation of coalitions around urban growth. As the City of Ottawa renews and updates its official plan, local developers and lawyers are lobbying to have the boundary expanded so that their lands can be developed for residential use. In their lobbying efforts they have attempted to include in their analysis the cost of housing, arguing that is the urban boundary is not expanded, then home ownership would become unaffordable to many residents. Of course, as the UGM thesis suggests, this is all about creating coalitions, but the real goal of the development industry is to ensure adequate lands for continued greenfield development.
Why is this so important? Planning decisions around sewage, roads, transit, parks, creation of commercial districts, former industrial spaces can dramatically increase the value of land. Most of the profit for land developers is captured in the rezoning, subdividing and servicing of raw land. The extension of water and sewer into smaller lots multiplies the value of the original parcel. Almost all of the developers profit comes in the planning phase and municipal politicians create wealth through land use planning, servicing and subdivision: either on green field sites, or by rezoning current sites to allow for higher building height or density. In fact, profits earned in the planning approval processes are much higher than in the actual construction of homes and high-rise units
However local community and environmental groups have argued that such an approach will only perpetuate unsound planning decisions of the past and continue to worsen the problems of sprawl, pollution, and traffic. Not only have they promoted a more dense and environmentally sound (day we say “smart”) planning approach, but, Ecology Ottawa, a local group battling sprawl and promoting sustainability, has demonstrated to what extent the UGM is at play by highlighting the relationship between developers and zoning decisions. In discussing a revealing report looking at the contributions of developers to local councilors, Ecology Ottawa spokesperson argues the following:
“It seems large developers and their interests are being put first—ahead of the broader public interest—in key decisions about how our city will grow. What is most revealing about this report, however, is how widespread the acceptance of political contributions from these influential vested interests is.”
All of this debate shows how the UGR theory, as an agency centered theory, takes into the struggles over local hegemony and counter-coalitions organized around environmental and redistributive concerns. At times, these interests will contend and sometimes over-power the urban growth machine. In short, UGR explains a politics of locality based the rearrangement of local interests into coalitions where various interests compete and co-operate depending on the development and economic initiative.
lundi 11 mai 2009
P3’s @ Landsdowne Live
As Larry 0’s trial was nearing, a number of pretenders to began to position themselves for the crown, in case zero-means-zero fell on his sword. Among the pretenders Rick Chiarelli advanced a plan for the redevelopment of Landsdowne Park that would highlight his consensus making ability. Chiarelli’s motion gave the promoters of “Landsdowne Live” a 60 day exclusive window to negotiate with the City. Most of the central city councilors voted against the motion, citing amongst other things the questionable ethics of accepting a non-solicited bid, and giving preferential treatment to once group.
Now anyone familiar with Landsdowne will not argue that something has to happen with the acres or Parking lot that surround the stadium and ruin this choice site along the Rideau Canal.
Most also agree that the historic features such as Aberdeen Pavillion should be preserved in any development and that some sort of sports facility should be retained.
However, most disagree with the scale and style of the redevelopment, especially in reference to the now condemned and partially destroyed stadium. The “Landsdowne Live” plan proposes a new stadium to host a new CFL franchise (Rough Riders III), a hotel complex, an aquarium, and some large-scale retail space. The promoters are among the heavy hitters in the development game and have surely done their homework on the profitability of their venture. However, what makes this idea dubious is the redevelopment depends on the P3 model.
As others have noted, urban renewal projects, although they adhere neoliberal principles of market-driven development have come to rely and in fact depend on public investment to orchestrate development. The problem is not that the public sector is involved in such projects but that they willingly seed control to the private partner and in effect download the risk or failure to the public sector while keeping the benefits of any development to themselves. At the same time they lessen the possibility for public contestation of the urban renewal project. In short P3 are premised on opaque governance practices, and shaky finances. So when City Councillor Clive Doucet yells loudly (and ineffectively) in the wilderness about the sham process he is right. We should question the process under which the redevelopment is being proposed, as well as the motives of the developers.
Plus, how many games are in a CFL season anyways: 9? Why not build something that might actually get used many more days a year, like an amateur soccer complex...
Update on Murk II: The Trial of Larry 0
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